America: More Than Just Europe's Reluctant Partner, But Rather a Foe Rooted in Right-Wing Ideology

On the exact date Donald Trump received a tailor-made "award for peace" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government published an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This fairly brief report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically modest claim that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."

Even though the strategy largely codifies the current actions and statements of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a grave warning for the international community, and for the European continent specifically.

A Strategy of Intervention and Cultural Anxiety

The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European strength." Its rhetoric could have been lifted straight from speeches by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence." More ominously, the document states that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the real and starker possibility of cultural extinction."

The entire section dedicated to Europe is steeped in decades of European right-wing dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free speech and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-belief." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to remain reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, free speech, and unapologetic commemorations of European nations’ individual character and history."

Foundational Theories of the Right-Wing

These arguments carry strong overtones of two theories seen as core for contemporary far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "The United States encourages its ideological partners in Europe to advance this revival of spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."

The Objective: "Make Europe Great Again"

Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can accomplish this. Therefore, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating resistance to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to restore their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays unclear on implementation, it is obvious that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not regard Russia as an adversary either.

A Historical Blueprint: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond accordingly.

Jeremy Zimmerman
Jeremy Zimmerman

A Berlin-based software engineer specializing in AI applications and modern web frameworks, with a passion for open-source projects.